Verb serialization and verb compounding in the Upper Rio Negro
The data on verb serialization and verb compounding in the languages of three genetically unrelated families spoken in the region of the Upper Rio Negro — East-Tucano, North Arawak (other than Tariana), and Makú — are summarized in Table 1. Relevant examples are given in brackets.
Verb serialization in North Arawak languages other than Tariana. Productive verb serialization (not as all-pervasive as in Tariana) is found in all North Arawak languages. Verbs of motion tend to become aspect and direction auxiliary-like markers, and the verb ‘finish’ is used to express completive aspect. Grammaticalization of these verbs as aspect markers in asymmetrical SVCs in these North Arawak languages is illustrated with (6), from Bare; (7), from Warekena of Xié; and (8), from Baniwa of Içana.
Verb compounding is very productive in East-Tucano languages where it yields aspect markers, valency changing markers and markers of Aktionsart. Not more than two verbs can cooccur in a compounded structure. Following the general suffixing tendency, the second component gets grammaticalized. Grammaticalization of verbs in verb compounding involves idiosyncratic semantic changes and phonological change — typically, the loss of the independent tone (Ramirez 1997 and p.c.).
Verb compounding is used to express a variety of meanings, e.g. associated action in (10), from Barasano (see Gomez-Imbert 1988):
Verb serialization and verb compounding in Makú languages. Makú languages have no verb serialization. Verb compounds result in the development of numerous aspect markers. See Martins (1994) and Martins and Martins (1999), for details on Dâw and Hupda.
The data summarized in Table 1 show that it is likely that verb serialization in Tariana is genetically inherited. In contrast, verb compounding is most probably the result of a one-way areal diffusion from the East-Tucano languages.
