The use of three intonation patterns was scrutinized in studies of Philippine phonology. These were the final and non-final 2-3-3 rising intonation, the non-final 2-3-2 rising-falling (back-to-normal) intonation, and the final 2-3-1 rising-falling (down-to-fade out) intonation. In keeping with the final intonation patterns in most Philippine languages, one of the stable features noted in PhlE is the use of the final rising-falling intonation in statements and the final rising intonation in questions. No distinction is made in the final intonation of wh-questions and yes-no questions in PhlE, although Gonzalez and Alberca (1978) noted the use of the rising intonation in the former and the rising-falling in the latter. This stands in direct contrast to the final intonation patterns of gAmE. In the latter final rising intonation is generally used in yes-no questions while final rising-falling intonation is used in wh- questions, in yes-no tag questions seeking confirmation, and in statements. However, it must be conceded that even gAmE norms are in flux here, with the increase of ‘high rise terminals’ in ordinary statements.

Concerning non-final intonation, three uses of the non-final 2-3-3 rising intonation were examined. These were the obligatory use of the non-final rising intonation on nominatives of address and on the non-final options in alternatives, and the optional use at the end of subordinate clauses appearing in sentence-initial position. Gonzalez, Jambalos and Romero’s generational study (2003) noted an increase in the use of non-final rising intonation in alternatives and in a series, in line with expectations of Target Language speakers. This, however, has yet to be established as a stable phonetic feature of PhlE. My own data show the use of non-final rising intonation in nominatives of address to be non-existent in the basilect variety, rare in the mesolect and occasional in the acrolect.